Occultationism or neocameralism
The democratic battle-cry: every man a king! With the throne comes power, or, in the language of the omniregal age, responsibility, which must naturally be exercised responsibly. The personal is political, every act is a political act, and every Johnny Dickweed who acts like it ain’t so has failed in his responsibility. To the true panbasilist, everywhere is Podunk, pervaded with depravity, mad syphilitic Henry the Eighths dooming Demostan to irresponsible misrule.
When voice rules, every speech act is an act of war. Truth is no longer a criterion; a true speech-act may have wrongteous power-vectors, undesirable consequences perceived as following from it. The occult force of the age demands occultation—worse, total suppression—of all speech-acts pointing ellandward in position-space. Speech-acts are seen as vectors, not arguments, and nothing that points outside may be suffered to survive. Thus is Rod Dreher unwittingly led to the conclusion: occultationism, neocameralism, or Auschwitz.
My point is simply that all of us believe that some facts are too dangerous to be known; they are like the Ring Of Power, in that the temptation to abuse them is too great for our natures to bear. Admittedly, this puts me in a tight spot. Am I saying that we should ignore reality? I suppose I am. …
Again, for me, moral and spiritual equality is a fact, but it’s not one that can be grounded in science. If everybody believed that moral and spiritual equality was a fact, I would be more comfortable with the discussion of genetic differences and their effects on us. But you don’t have to go far in the HBD discussion to find some pretty nasty stuff. This does not, let me be clear, demonstrate that what the HBD people claim is false (though it may be, or parts may be); but it does demonstrate to my satisfaction that it is impossible for most people to talk about this stuff without using it to justify some nasty prejudices. Within living memory, we have seen where this sort of thing goes. You start out exploring the science of genetic differences, which is, or ought to be, a neutral thing, and before you know it you have the greatest scientific authorities in the world coming up with eugenic theories supporting the idea of “life unworthy of life,” and then you end with Auschwitz.
Occultationism, like anti-abortionism, is barred from leading to rivers of blood only by compartmentalization, the adoption of unprincipled exceptions. The logic leads straight to total war, as Arthur Chu admits:
I do, in fact, believe the war is very very real and has very very real stakes and the people who stand to be hurt by losing the war matter more than my abstract comfort with my “principles”.
Arthur! This is America! It’s not hard to get guns! Why are you on Facebook?—the war is very, very real!
One great victory of omniregalism (limited war is still preferable to unlimited war) is its provision of a compartment for exactly this. Arthur Chu, you see, is a king—and kings are not insurgents, and have no need for their methods. It is the powerless who are most likely to take up arms, and omniregal nanopower is still power—effectively insignificant power, but enough to prevent Arthur Chu from getting a gun. Discontent is directed to /dev/null; it only emerges on a large, statistical scale. One vote is mathematically insignificant, but ten thousand votes are not.
Neocameralism, seen as a concept, a goal, rather than a specific architecture, is simply the destruction of popularchy. The goal is to to engineer away the political necessity of lies. “They say what they want, I do what I want.” To Dreher, occultationism is the necessary consequence of omniregalism: there are true things with harmful vectors, and therefore there are true things that must be suppressed. To Chu, occultationism is simply a demand of morality:
Endless self-criticism about whether your values are in fact right or wrong guarantees that you will lose and someone else’s values will win anyway. …
I’m not saying there’s no place for rational engagement ever. I am saying that there are lines in the sand and people beyond those pales are in fact enemies and should be treated as such, and that if you never draw those lines in the sand you will spend your whole life in an agonizing haze of introspection and never do anything. …
I think, to put it bluntly, that when there is a real war going on, yes, search your conscience to decide what side you’re going to be on, but those doubts should be out of your mind by the time you’re actually putting on a uniform and walking onto the field. Otherwise you’ve lost before you’ve begun fighting. …
I *am* talking about not giving quarter to truly toxic ideologies like sexism, racism and the whole “reactionary” movement, about not legitimizing them by making them the subject of a FAQ, about not letting them colonize your headspace and letting their trolls endlessly barrage you with their tendentious arguments.
I’m talking about treating memetic cancers as what they are rather than as reasonable worldviews and as something to be excised and cauterized, not engaged with. …
So yes, to momentarily borrow Yudkowsky fanboy terminology, I wear black robes. I am a practitioner of the Dark Arts. I rigorously manage my own thinking and purge myself of dangerous “unthinkable” thoughts — “mindkill” myself — on a regular basis.
This is what you have to do to be a feminist anti-racist progressive, i.e. a social justice stormtrooper, You have to recognize that there is no neutral culture, neutrality is impossible, that culture is a cutthroat war of memes and that you have to commit to picking a side and setting yourself up as a neutral arbiter of memes is impossible and is a form of surrender.
Under omniregalism, of course, every man is born a king: every act is an act of power, and demands responsibility. The practice of epistemic rationality is something that one must always keep to oneself; to so much as write a blog post considering ideas with ellandward vectors is to act irresponsibly and wrongteously. Unconcern for truth is built into the system as a necessity. (To which the seeker of truth may respond: fuck you, liar, of course I’m not playing your game. Or, as Carlyle put it: “No: at all costs, it is to be prayed by all men that Shams may cease.”)
Unless selection effects favoring the search for truth can counter the pressure toward occultation. But that doesn’t seem likely—and would Chu like that, were it actually the case?
Well said!
If I have reservations, it’s my usual quibbles over whether neocameralism will actually have the effect of producing an environment where truth is free. We know from history that governments are notorious for straying from their initial principles. What is the system, or dare I say the algorithm, responsible for ensuring that a neocameral government with minimal checks and balances will continue to uphold absolute Moldbugian values like truth for truth’s sake, inviolability of private property and the inalienable right of families to educate their children as they see fit once Moldbug confers upon the administration its very own utility function of maximizing profit?
I could argue about whether being brainwashed by family is better than being brainwashed by the state, but I’m more astonished at Moldbug’s naivete if he actually believes that a regime wielding despotic power and configured to maximize profit will refrain from setting up a propaganda machine even if it believes that profit will be maximized if the populace were to believe a specific noble lie. Don’t we see reactionary governments trying precisely that in the historical record? On the other hand, we see liberal dystopias like America showing relatively greater public tolerance of reactionaries.
Neoreactionaries never explain these things to me.
rottingham
February 24, 2014 at 08:12
Good objection. It’s a goal; who knows to what extent it can be achieved.
As for greater public tolerance, well, they’re not getting killed and the government isn’t directly involved in their repression, but those are pretty damned low standards.
nydwracu
February 24, 2014 at 09:17
The goal may be realizable in principle, but what’s there to enforce it? Unless you have in mind processes that will strictly or loosely, actively or passively constrain unwanted outcomes, where the state heads down paths leading away from the goal, shouldn’t you expect to see a random walk through solution space? The stated goal seems incompatible with the method outlined for getting there in any case, because I’m having difficulty imagining the prospect of the state being more accommodating than liberals towards political factions planning to overthrow the government and install a regime with values that are alien to neocameralism (the current relationship between neoreactionaries and liberals) to be reassuring to the shareholders as a purely business proposition.
rottingham
February 25, 2014 at 04:43
The point for Moldbug is that the state can’t be overthrown. Technological developments can decide certain balances of power conclusively, for a time — this is what we see now with encryption vs. decryption. You use RSA right, no one except possibly the NSA can read what you’re saying; before that, it was much messier; and if quantum ever gets out… well, in this case it’ll stay the same way, since quantum encryption is also allegedly uncrackable. It’s been argued that the tipping of the state/population balance in favor of the population was a cause of the social instability of a few centuries ago; it’s possible that it might tip again.
I’m not sure whether Moldbug is right, and engineering a system that doesn’t depend on popularchic manipulation of actually interesting questions is a hard problem.
nydwracu
February 25, 2014 at 20:27
Well, for purposes of argument, note that the impossibility of success by means of violent rebellion does not imply the impossibility of success by any means necessary including conspiracy and treachery. Does real life experience suggest that shareholders are willing to gamble everything for theoretical assurances of perfect security, or that they tend to have less faith in the miraculousness of the company’s product than the founder?
I love Moldbug’s ideal of truth for truth’s sake in public discourse, and I would like to see it treated as a serious doctrine. After all, my sense of justice depends on what I understand the truth to be. A country knows what justice is to the extent that it’s aware of the truth. But for Moldbug’s ideas to be taken seriously, Moldbugians need to think about all the ways they can go wrong, thinking up suitable responses to them, and altering them where necessary. Don’t think your reactionary politics excuses you from this sort of academic game, because whether or not you root out weaknesses in your ideas, your shareholders will.
Doesn’t Moldbug’s assurance of security seem to rest on a dubious dichotomy between the populace and its leaders? I mean, what level of accommodation are we talking about? Are rabid antineocameralists allowed to be shareholders? I know little about the internal workings of corporations, but it seems to me that panicky shareholders and fears of treachery and collusion with enemy powers within their own ranks don’t mix well. Not only are treachery and ideological fanatics scary and dangerous in the long term, but ideologies that inspire criminal activities can also be expensive to tolerate in the short term.
By itself, Moldbug’s point is a reason for the government to not care about free speech either way, not a reason for the government to go out of its way to protect free speech. And indeed, the situation in pre-enlightenment societies reminds me less of “free thought” than “random walk in the space of unfixed variables”. The city states of Ancient Greece and medieval Italy aren’t famed for their stability either. What makes you think you can do better?
Your shareholders will care very much about any flaws in your ideas. How would you convince them how stable and secure the system really is? Maybe what the system needs is an explicitly stated, but informal Moldbug’s Church of Free Speech to provide some inertia that won’t be trivial to overcome. :p
rottingham
February 27, 2014 at 02:06
(“Criminal activities”, “illegal activities”, whatever.)
rottingham
February 27, 2014 at 09:13
Right. Neocameralism as an outline can’t be taken seriously, reliant as it is on technology that doesn’t and probably won’t exist. It’s best understood as… well, I see why Scott calls Moldbug a utopian writer, since that’s basically it: it’s an admittedly unrealistic vision to illustrate a concept, a goal to be approximated by more serious engineering efforts.
nydwracu
February 27, 2014 at 18:07
Oh. It worries me more than technical issues that Moldbug’s hypothetical gadgetry seems insufficient to justify the full extent of his promises.
rottingham
March 1, 2014 at 02:20
If war means using all the weapons in one’s arsenal, surely it’s appropriate to point out that as his Facebook photo demonstrates, Arthur Chu’s blood-and-iron rhetoric is the keyboard posturing of a fat dork with a bowl cut. Smart money says the only trigger this frontline partisan has ever squeezed is on a can of Miracle Whip.
Sha Shiggidy
February 24, 2014 at 19:21
Miracle Whip cans don’t have triggers. I would know.
Contaminated NEET
February 26, 2014 at 09:27
I hope I am understanding your point correctly and not just rounding it to the nearest thing I do understand – but why would nondemocracy relieve any of the problems of speech-as-act?
Consider the campaign to have people use gender-neutral language – eg “A businessperson should always remember his or her briefcase” instead of “a businessman must always remember his briefcase”. The theory is that the latter makes women subtly feel less welcome in business.
Agree or disagree with this theory, it’s not clear how it would be any different under a monarchy than a democracy. Those who are worried about the effect of the language would still worry, and those who are worried about the chilling effect of language policing would still worry about that.
The majority of perceived problems with speech acts I can think of seem to be of this type, so I’m not sure what kind of speech-act-debates you think monarchy would resolve.
Also, this seems to require an unreasonably strong presumption of non-revolt-against-ability on the part of monarchies which I criticized in my FAQ and Anissimov said Reactionaries, contra my assumptions, don’t actually believe. If there’s any revolt-against-ability, then we get people trying to spread their opinions and stifle dissenting opinions because the prevailing opinions can gain power through means of revolution.
slatestarcodex
February 27, 2014 at 00:12
I think the theory is that since ordinary people in a democracy feel responsible for the disproportionate political consequences of their speech acts, they learn the lesson that it’s their duty to lie in public. For example, they would naturally feel some trepidation before criticizing African American communities using the same standards as White communities, because they would be afraid of strengthening unwholesome reactionary elements in government. This situation harms African Americans as well, not to mention that it’s a humiliating experience to be patronized and treated as chronic underachievers who are to be cared for by the body politic.
But if people knew there’s a stable and rational government in charge that’s only interested in the truth and designed from ground up to not be affected out of all proportion to the criticisms actually being made, then they might feel there’s less of a reason to justify shitty acts like fabricating rape statistics to support your favorite political gangs. Of course, problematic questions follow from this, like wouldn’t there be reasons to lie under this new government to manipulate the masses and opinions of shareholders in the ordinary, extragovernmental way anyway?
rottingham
February 27, 2014 at 03:18
The distinction must be made between the strong and the weak versions of the hypothesis; perhaps I wasn’t clear enough on this point. Moldbug, if I’m reading him right, makes the strong claim: speech-as-political-vector only exists in demotist regimes (regimes where succession is defined in terms of power, rather than law, i.e. not strictly predetermined and therefore giving rise to conflict over the distribution of the spoils of the state), so a shift from demotism to legitimism would, in removing the channel between information and state, destroy this logic entirely.
Of course, this is easily shown to be false: once the (libertarian) tendency to see money as the only motivator is abandoned… though you don’t even have to go that far and bring up economics of status, since there’s still money to be made in advocacy that limits itself to the non-registerial elements of politics (makes no attempt to influence the state). Religion and subculture would still exist under neocameralism.
I’m making the weak claim, which is implicit in that Dreher article: though speech-as-political-vector would exist everywhere, the greater power of voice under democracy incentivizes that logic. Dreher says that voters must assume HNU whether or not it’s true, since voice + mass assumption of HBD = Hitler—he’s wrong, but certainly it increases the risk. So you have to make a tradeoff that you wouldn’t have to under legitimism (or design the (unwritten, of course) constitution to exert pressure toward limiting the exercise of voice, as America has done successfully with the Bill of Rights): allowing the truth to be known to the voters (and Dreher seems to hold HBD to be true) increases the risk of voice bringing about undesirable consequences.
So I’m agreeing with Dreher, in a sense—just calling into question a different part of the equation. If the logic of a system mandates the suppression of truths, that’s a problem with the system, not the truths.
nydwracu
February 27, 2014 at 18:04
Interesting discussion, but I’d make one very strong caveat; when you find yourself agreeing with Rod Dreher, stop and think, very hard. If Dreher has ever been right about anything, I’ve missed it. What religion is he this week?
Toddy Cat
February 28, 2014 at 12:55
Yeah well, why not have negative attitudes towards religion as well if you’re sincere about de-incentivizing falsehood? It helps to ask obvious questions like: How much difference in sincerity is present under democratic and reactionary governments that are otherwise comparable? If any difference exists, under which type is it actually greater? Ceteris paribus, how much insincerity is actually caused by voting and such? Do other forces balance it out? Is the difference significant enough to be more than a side-effect lost in the noise? Is it a better solution to ask people to stop being short-sighted and simply care less about immediate political fallout, if these concerns mostly turn out to be much ado about nothing? If not, does the source of insincerity bring any benefits that outweigh the amount of insincerity produced? Are there better ways to oppose insincerity than fixating on stamping out a single source?
rottingham
March 1, 2014 at 04:44
If the answer to that last question is yes, then which is the best choice and why, etc etc.
rottingham
March 1, 2014 at 06:16
(Er, I meant if there isn’t a better way.)
rottingham
March 1, 2014 at 06:17